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Zimbabwe - A letter from the diaspora (June 2009) |
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GOING HOME: The year is 2004 and Caleb Dube, the former
detective with the Zimbabwe Republic Police has been in exile
in the United Kingdom for two years. A letter arrives from his
old friend and colleague, Moses Musindo, alerting Dube to the
fact that his former teacher and friend, Father Hugh Malloy, is
in great danger. Friendship demands no less and Caleb Dube
goes home to his native land. With no help from a partisan
police force, Dube and Musindo set out to investigate. In the
course of their enquiries deep in the rural areas, the two men
meet a host of unforgettable characters, including Sami the
AIDS orphan and Sami's friend, Tatenda, the hunter. The two
boys are an indispensable part of the investigation and the
search leads them to an old adversary of Dube's who holds the
key to the mystery of the missing priest.Click here to find out more or buy online Countdown is a political detective story. It is fiction but the background is accurate and verifiable. Set in 2001/2 and the start of the land invasions, the book shows how the politicisation of the police force has led directly to the breakdown of law and order. In this hostile environment, two honest cops attempt to investigate a murder. Click here to find out more or buy online
After two weeks of travel to various capitals and being feted by Heads of State, including President Obama of the US., Morgan Tsvangirai arrived in London. Perhaps the Zimbabwean Prime Minister was a touch complacent about the welcome he would receive from his own compatriots but whatever the reason he was certainly ill-prepared for what happened. It started so well; he entered the Cathedral to a warm welcome from the huge crowd. There was no doubt at all that we all loved him and wished him well. So what happened, where did it all go wrong? There had been press reports all week that the Prime Minister was going to urge the people to go back to Zimbabwe. Indeed on that very Saturday, the UK Independent carried a whole page headed 'Come home, Tsvangirai tells ex-pats. Prime Minister comes to London with message for the Zimbabwean diaspora.' I read it on the train going into London; we knew in advance what he was going to say and they were almost his first words as he stood in the pulpit of this ancient church. That was Morgan Tsvangiral's biggest mistake. He totally failed to gauge the mood of his audience and he failed to understand the strength of feeling among his compatriots, many of whom had lost everything and been brutalised and tortured by the Mugabe regime. By the time he was telling the audience that 'peace and stability prevailed in Zimbabwe,' that schools and hospital were open again and that there were goods in the shops, Morgan Tsvangirai had completely lost his audience. He was hit by a wave of highly vocal anger and he stood apparently bemused by what he was hearing. Instead of raising his voice and reasserting his authority he simply left the pulpit; that was the very worst thing he could have done. When he returned some minutes later, he made things even worse by asking in a rather aggrieved way, 'Did I say start packing now? No, I said you should be thinking about going home.' As if we don't think about that all the time, the audience muttered angrily. The questions from the floor, apart from being very badly organised, were direct and to the point. 'What is there for us to go back to while Mugabe is still there?' And that was the focal point for the crowd's anger; a huge shout went up, 'Mugabe Out, Mugabe Out' but of course, Tsvangirai couldn't respond to that. After all, he sits in partnership with the same man who has given and is still giving the orders to continue the oppression of all dissenting voices. The 'change' we all long for has not come about and the original MDC slogan, 'Chinga' has become no more than an ironical comment on the path the MDC has taken. Utterly sickened by it all, I walked out of the cathedral only to find hundreds of people already outside. Intensely angry and profoundly disappointed, they sang out their fury at the Prime Minister's message. I spoke to lots of people and I heard nothing but intense disappointment: 'The struggle continues' was the message from everyone I spoke to. What should have been an occasion for renewed hope and belief in the future had turned into a miserable fiasco. One woman, shaking with anger, said “I was raped, my children were beaten and traumatised and Morgan Tsvangirai tells me to go back, go back to what?” she demanded. I was no longer in the cathedral when Tendai Biti attempted to speak but I understand he was drowned out and the meeting ended with the MDC team being led out of the cathedral by the clerics. It was all over, at least an hour earlier than expected. There are many possible explanations for the ignominious failure of the Prime Minister to make his case. While I understand the choice of Southwark Cathedral as a 'neutral' venue, the setting itself did not make for a suitable meeting place. All the chairs had been removed so the crowd were standing for a long time; the PM was late arriving; the sound system was so poor that much of the input was practically inaudible; there was no obvious chairman to control the meeting and the question and answer session was consequently chaotic. My own impression, however, is that Morgan Tsvangiri himself was not prepared. I had the distinct feeling that he had given little thought to what he was going to say. Perhaps, after weeks of international adulation he just could not believe that his harshest critics would be his own countrymen and women? Yes, there may have been trouble-makers in the audience but if there were, they were tapping into the very real anger of the crowd. Whatever the reason, Saturday June 20th was a disaster for Morgan Tsvangirai and the media, who were present in force in the Cathedral, were not slow to pick up the story. For Zimbabweans in the diaspora their Prime Minister himself had given the British authorities the perfect reason to send them home. Why should the British Home Office allow them to stay here when the Zimbabwean Prime Minister tells his own people that there is 'peace and stability' in Zimbabwe? Just the day before the Prime Minister made that nonsensical claim, the Woza women were savagely beaten by the police and the violent farm invasions were continuing but the Prime Minister made no mention of those unpleasant truths. As they left the Cathedral, people were asking why could Morgan Tsvangirai not just have told them the truth; that things were not yet right at home but that he and his fellow MDC ministers were working hard to rectify the situation? Instead, he was assuring them all was well. He forgets that all of us in the diaspora are in regular communication with families and friends back home. We understand very well the reality on the ground. He also forgets that without the hard-earned cash contributions from Zimbabweans in the diaspora, thousands of families at home might never have survived. Yet, still, he tells us to Go home. Go home to what? To a country where there is, on Tendai Biti's own admission, 94% unemployment and NGO's are feeding an estimated 5 million people, expected to rise to 7 million next year. It was all utterly incomprehensible and has left Zimbabweans in the UK diaspora stunned and bereft of hope. Instead of an honest and realistic assessment of the situation, the truth was distorted and the man we trusted, the man who was our hero has shown himself no more honest than any other politician. Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF will be laughing all the way to the ballot box. Iran has dominated the news here this last week. The sight of thousands of people, many carrying placards asking 'Where is my vote?' has a tragic resonance for anyone who has ever participated in a supposedly democratic process only to find, when the results are announced, that their votes counted for nothing. It is all too easy for outsiders to criticise the internal politics of countries ruled by a different system of government but that is not my purpose here. What is, however, tragically familiar to Zimbabweans watching the Iranian situation unfold is the resemblance to our own electoral process: an electoral commission controlled and staffed by the ruling party, media outlets in the hands of pro-government officials, a partisan police force, a youth-wing comprised of armed youngsters indoctrinated with so-called 'cultural values' and the banning of all foreign reporters. All this is very familiar to Zimbabweans; above all, we recognise from our own experience the stunned disbelief of the voters when they hear results they perceive to have been rigged in some way. Iran's Guardian Council has announced that they will allow a 'partial recount' of some of the ballot boxes but it's hard to see how that can satisfy the very real discontent felt by a large swathe of the electorate who feel cheated by the results. It is that sense of the unfairness of the process that has brought Iranians out on the streets in their thousands. The non-violent demonstrations have been going on for days now, seven people have been killed so far. What the demonstrators want is fresh elections, partial recounts will not satisfy them or assuage their anger and conviction that their vote has been stolen. Zimbabweans know that feeling only too well; they may not have taken to the streets in their thousands but they have not forgotten how they were cheated time and again at the ballot box by a ruling party and a dictator intent on remaining in power. They have not forgotten why they are in exile all over the world. "Do you re-engage Robert Mugabe or do you continue to alienate him?" Morgan Tsvangirai is reported to have asked in an interview he gave in the US. Coincidentally, on the African continent, President Jacob Zuma was indirectly tackling the same topic in a TV conversation with President Paul Kagame of Ruanda after the World Economic Forum held in Cape Town recently. How do we deal with leaders who will not relinquish power, Zuma asked, naming no names. It is President Zuma's belief that one of the reasons these Big Men hold on so tenaciously to power is their fear of prosecution for past misdeeds. A way out of this dilemma, the South African President suggested, was to grant them immunity from prosecution. It sounds so easy, doesn't it? Secure in the knowledge that they are untouchable for the rest of their lives, Africa's dictators would quietly leave the stage and live out their lives in peace – and luxury no doubt – while their ruined countries were left to rebuild their shattered economies and mend millions of broken lives. Quite apart from the injustice of such a solution, there is a fallacy in President Zuma's argument. Having let the prime suspects off the hook, what would happen to all the dictators' foot soldiers who carried out their leaders'orders to kill, maim and terrorise the populace? Would they also be granted immunity? And what is it that makes President Zuma so sure that the offer of immunity would be enough to tempt these power-hungry dictators to surrender power when it is power itself that provides them with the adrenalin to keep going. Take away the adrenalin of power and you would very soon see the natural aging process take over. The rumour that it is Chinese drugs and other medical interventions that keep our own 85 year old President looking so youthful may or may not be factual but to my mind it is the operation of naked power that provides him with his 'eternal youth.' He is not lightly going to give that up. We see evidence of that already with the so-called Inclusive Government where the army, the police and control of the judiciary remain firmly in Mugabe's hands. One look at events of the past week in Zimbabwe illustrates the point. Even while the Amnesty International Head is in the country, seeing for herself the shocking abuse of human rights at every level, the shameless exercise of brutal power by the police goes on. The MDC Director General is arrested and gaoled facing a charge of perjury; Woza women are once again subjected to police beating and imprisonment for daring to take to the streets to commemorate World Refugee Day; violent farm invasions continue unabated and Zanu PF youth are still occupying schools in some areas, threatening and intimidating teachers and children. The truth is that Zanu PF are in election mode and this is all part of the softening up process to prepare the voters for what is to come. The message is loud and clear: Mugabe and Zanu PF will never cede power. Mugabe has said as much. It is the bullet not the ballot box that keeps him in power. What is needed now is for Africa and the international community to ensure that Zimbabwe has the right procedures in place to ensure that this time elections will be run by an independent body with international monitors at every step of the process. Unless that happens, Zimbabwe is fated to endure more years of the dictator's rule as he steals yet another election. Prime Minister Tsvangirai is due to speak to Zimbabweans in London on Saturday and will apparently attempt to persuade his audience to return home. Not much chance of that, I'd say, while Mugabe is still there. Morgan Tsvangirai and Tendai Biti may be taken in by the famous Mugabe charm and smooth manners, most Zimbabweans simply don't trust the man. They have good reason not to. While the Prime Minister travels the world trying to convince wealthy western democracies that after four months of the GNU, Zimbabwe is already a different country, at home, President Mugabe and his followers continue in their bad old ways. The photograph of Robert Mugabe standing alongside Mwai Kibaki and the Sudanese President al Bashir (see The Zimbabwean 11-17 June) illustrates very clearly the truth that democratic rights mean nothing to Mugabe and his friends. Kibaki rigged the Kenyan election back in 2007 which led to the bloody upheaval that rocked Kenya and resulted in an uneasy power-sharing government with the opposition leader, Raila Odinga. As for Sudan's al Bashir, he is facing an arrest warrant from the ICC for crimes against humanity involving thousands of victims in the Dafur region. None of this makes any difference to Mugabe; he has never been particular about the 'friends' he chooses, as long as they share his anti-western paranoia he will happily disregard their human rights record. It was a North Korean Minister a few weeks back and Mugabe's mouthpiece The Herald, this week devoted a double page spread in defence of North Korea's nuclear tests. It's hardly surprising then that Morgan Tsvangirai is facing an uphill task trying to convince the west that Zimbabwe has changed for the better. Inside the country there are too many examples that, in the areas of human rights and media freedom, little has changed. Even though they had a High Court order allowing them the right to cover the Comesa Summit on the grounds that they no longer required MIC accreditation, since that body had ceased to exist, four journalists were still refused entry to the Summit. It was a clear slap in the face for the Prime Minister's authority; he had very clearly stated that MIC accreditation was no longer necessary before he left the country. 'While the cat's away…' Lawyers too, continue to be harassed and charged. The brave Alec Muchadehama, incidentally the lawyer defending Jestina Mukoko and others, himself faces charges of attempting to obstruct or defeat the course of justice; another clear example of Mugabe's hand-picked Attorney General seeking to silence independent minded lawyers, especially when the are defending MDC and civil rights activists. The continuing land invasions further exemplify Mugabe's vice-like grip on power. When an army Brigadier and dozens of uniformed soldiers can march onto a farm, with no paper work, no title deeds and no court decision in their favour, it is very obvious that the rule of law has broken down in Zimbabwe. The farmer in question had been acquitted of charges against him of 'illegal occupation'. He had every legal right to be there on his own property but it made no difference, the Brigadier went ahead and took what did not belong to him anyway while the police looked the other way. But it is the identity of another farm invader that has obsessed the media in Zimbabwe all week; the pretty woman who was seen walking with Morgan Tsvangirai at President Zuma's inauguration. Is she Tsvangirai's niece or is she not? That's the question! For myself, I could not care less, in fact I rather agree with James Maridadi on this one: Tsvangirai can hardly be held responsible for the behaviour of a 52 year old relative! All I know is that as soon as I heard the usual anti-white rhetoric coming from her lips in an interview with Violet Gonda on SW Radio, I knew the woman was a product of her thirty years in the States. When she was asked whether the alleged racist language from the white farmer in question justified her taking his farm she replied with the standard Zanu PF justification that land invasions are all about 'righting colonial injustices' Anyone who still believes that lie must be totally ignorant of the reality on the ground. As for the behaviour of the white farmer and the racist language he is alleged to have uttered, I find that pretty hard to believe too. Ten years ago it may well have been the norm for white farmers to talk like that - but today, I think not. For the most part, the farmers who thought that way that have long since left the country; most of them, now are too terrified to open their mouths, let alone use racially abusive language of the sort the pretty woman describes. Rumour has it that she has now dropped her claim to the farm in question but to my mind the whole incident was yet another example of Zanu PF dirty tricks to discredit the MDC leader - especially while he was out of the country. 'While the cat's away…'
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